Ilhan Omar obsessively calls for BDS against Israel while doing nothing to prevent her arab clan in Somalia to discriminate against 1 million Bantus

APARTHEID IN SOMALIA: Ilhan Omar obsessively calls for BDS against Israel while doing nothing to prevent her arab clan in Somalia to discriminate against 1 million Bantus
By Ezequiel Doiny

On august 30, 2018 mosaic magazine reported “Drawing on his recent experience as a student at Stanford University, Elliot Kaufman explains how the campus left uses the ideology of “intersectionality”—the notion that one can’t really fight for the rights of American blacks, for instance, without also fighting for the rights of women, or of Palestinians against Israelis—to build powerful coalitions within student government. The result, as Kaufman argues in conversation with Jonathan Silver, is that a variety of left-leaning or identity-based student groups become anti-Israel almost by default, and that students who break ranks risk social opposition…”

How Intersectionality Has Become a Political Weapon against Israel

Palestinians today use intersectionality to promote BDS.

Understanding the well documented persecution of homosexuals and racism in Arab countries is important to weaken to weaken support for intersectionality and BDS.

On August 21, 2019 the Washington Examiner reported “The Palestinian Authority is banning all LGBT members from activities in the West Bank.

The ban comes after the group Al-Qaws for Sexual & Gender Diversity in Palestinian Society, which supports Palestinians who identify as a part of the gay community, was planning to hold a gathering for its members at the end of August, but won’t be able to anymore. ”

How can those who advocate for the rights of gays and blacks in America embrace those who refuse to condemn racism and persecution of homosexuals in Arab Countries?

Ilhan Omar who uses intersectionality to gain support for BDS against Israel and repeatedly accused Israel of apartheid never to condemned female genetical mutilation, persecution of homosexuals, slavery or racism in Arab Countries, including in her native Somalia.

Racism is deeply rooted in the Arab World. On August 18, 2019 Declan Walsh reported in the New York Times about racism in Arab television “On the Libyan comedy show, the punch line was in the baby carriage.

An elevator door slams shut, separating the mother — an actress in blackface — from her babies. ..

“Watch my babies!” the mother calls out in mock horror.

But when the passengers pull back the carriage cover, a pair of monkeys leap out.

…In the Arab world, where racism is a deeply rooted yet rarely discussed issue, blackface comedy is facing a surge of criticism on social media, even forcing the occasional apology. But the practice remains widespread and acceptable enough to be a staple on major television networks.

…The targets of that humor — most often from Sudan, a sprawling Arabic-speaking country in Africa — say there is nothing funny about it.

“Blackface is disgusting and offensive,” said Sara Elhassan, a Sudanese writer in the United States. “It’s not just about skin color; it’s about stereotypes.”

On February 7, 2011 Mathew Brunswasser reported in PRI (Public Radio International) about Arab racism against blacks in Sudan “…southern Sudanese consider themselves blacks while northerners see themselves as Arabs and treat blacks as second class…” the note goes on to explain how Sudan’s former president Omar al Bashir would be considered black in America but in Sudan he is considered an Arab because “his color is not black totally…”

(listen to the complete report below)

On February 13, 1994 The Seattle Times reported about racism in Somalia “Amid the hatred and violence that cut so many ways in Somalia, people of Arab descent with soft hair hold sway over those who wear the hard curls of an African.

The soft hairs, Somalis whose ethnic roots are buried in the sands of the Arabian Peninsula, own the businesses, carry the guns and run the political factions that are vying to replace deposed dictator Mohamed Siad Barre.

Warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid is a soft-hair. Arab-descended Somalis have also robbed their hard-haired countrymen, many of whose ancestors were East Africans, of their farms and forced them into modern-day servitude that borders on slavery.

“Somalia has a racism problem. It’s one of the dirty little secrets that the civil war has exposed,” said Ken Menkhaus, a Somalia scholar and U.N. adviser from Davidson College in North Carolina.

The distinction is not color, but ancestry.

The Somalis of Arab descent call their brethren “tiimo jereer” – hard hairs. Or, more honestly, “addoon” – slave. That is what many were a century ago and what they have become again since civil war ripped away what little protection they had.

For lack of a more accurate term, aid workers call the East African-descended people Bantus after the group of languages many of their ancestors spoke.

New deeds written

Under Siad Barre’s 22-year regime, the 300,000 or so Somali Bantus lost much of their land to government officials who simply wrote themselves deeds to the richest farms along the Jubba and Shabeelle rivers of southern Somalia.

During the famine, those landless Bantus were the first to go hungry.

When Siad Barre fell, the Somali clan gunmen came, again forcing Bantus from their farms, raping Bantu women and settling into a pattern of routine extortion that could only be called servitude by terror.

“We have to work for the people who stole our land. Our girls have to work as servants in our own houses,” said Aden Yusuf Aden, 28, a resident of Sagaalaad, a predominantly Bantu village on the banks of the crocodile-infested Shabeelle, 19 miles west of Mogadishu…” reported “The Somali Bantu are made up of diverse groups, such as the Mushunguli, Shambara, Gobaweyn, Shidle, Makanne, Shabelle, etc. Some of these groups have lived in Somalia for many centuries as farmers along the rivers, and have adopted the language and culture of the surrounding Somalis. Other groups originated in Tanzania and Mozambique and were brought to Somalia as slaves during the 19th century. After escaping their captors they also settled as farmers along the villages.

The different Somali Bantu groups are united primarily because of the racial discrimination they face within Somalia. Most Somalis will not intermarry with Somali Bantus, and some will not even eat with them or enter their house. During the civil war in Somalia, Somali Bantus were one of the most vulnerable groups and suffered horribly at the hands of clan militias and criminal gangs.”

In 2015 World Bulletin reported “Between the two only permanent rivers in arid Somalia, the Juba and Shabelle, lays one of the most fertile lands in the continent.

For years, it has made Somalia the highest producer of bananas in Africa.

It is Somalia’s food basket and a land that has been fought over by successive warlords during two decades of war.

This is the home of a minority community known as the “Jareerwayne,” or Somali Bantu, who number one million out of the country’s population of 10 million, according to the UNHCR.
Unlike their pastoralist neighbors, Bantus are a farming community.
The Bantus, or “jareerwayne” as they prefer to call themselves, are also different in physical appearance.
They share negroid features of wooly hair and broad noses – unlike ethnic Somalis, who have Caucasoid features like milky hair and straight noses.
“Our ancestors were brought to Somalia from Tanzania, Mozambique and Malawi as slaves more than 400 years ago, mostly to toil on the fertile land along the Shabelle and Juba,” Hussein Abdi, a 36-year-old Somali Bantu living as a refugee in Nairobi’s mainly Somali Eastleigh district, told the Anadolu Agency.
But even after the abolition of slavery and Somalia’s independence from Italy in 1960, the ethnic minority, which has been vital to the national economy, has felt marginalized.

“I fled Mogadishu ten years ago and sought refuge in Kenya,” said Ahmed.

“I couldn’t take the fighting anymore, but above all I couldn’t live like I was – a second-class citizen with no rights,” he lamented. “We are always looked down upon in Somalia.”

The community has in the past been sidelined in terms of decision making.

“Since our independence, we have never had a jarerwayne become a president, a parliament speaker, a prime minister, an army general or even an ambassador,” said Tiidow Hassan, a Somali Bantu community activist currently living in Sweden.

“They have kept us away from the government and political system,” he told AA by phone. “The system based on equal share is a mirage.”

…The Somali civil war led to a large exodus of Somali Bantus who crossed over to Kenya, while others –who could trace their original tribes back to the time before their ancestors were sold in the Zanzibar slave market by Arabs and Swahilis – were resettled in Tanzania.
Most of their homes back in Somalia were destroyed by invading clan militias and their farms taken by new migrating Somali clans…”

Dan Van Lehman and Omar Emo wrote in his book “Somali Bantu: Their History and Culture” published in the Center for Applied Linguistics “Civil war broke out in the wake of the 1991 collapse of Siyaad Barre’s regime, and clan competition for power had disastrous results for the civilian population in general and the Bantu people in particular. The Bantu were the backbone of agricultural production in southern Somalia, and consequently had large stocks of food on their property. As Somali civil society broke down in 1991 and 1992, agricultural marketing networks also began to cease normal operations. As hunger among the Somali population increased, stocks of food gained value and importance among not only the starving populace but also the bandits and rogue militias. Because the Bantu were excluded from the traditional Somali clan protection network, bandits and militias were able to attack the Bantu with impunity. In the process of stealing food stocks, the bandits also robbed, raped, and murdered Bantu farmers.

As the war progressed, control of the lower Juba River valley shifted among various warlords, with each wreaking havoc on the Bantu farming communities. In October of 1992, the Bantu began to flee southern Somalia en masse for refugee camps located approximately 40 miles from the Somali border in Kenya’s arid and often hostile Northeastern Province…

In the refugee camps, the Bantu settled in the most distant locations (blocks or sections housing approximately 600 people each) where they, along with other refugees on the periphery of the camp, are more vulnerable to bandit attacks than refugees living near the center of the camps. Settlement of the Bantu in these camp locations was partly a result of their date of arrival in the camps and partly a result of the discrimination against them by the other Somali refugees…

In order to protect themselves against nighttime bandit attacks, the Bantu have constructed fortified compounds guarded by armed sentries. Since security for all people living in the refugee camps is inadequate, other refugees have also built protective fencing around their sections. In the first years of the camp, the Bantu suffered violent attacks at a rate that was disproportionate to their population in the wider refugee camp community.

Before a U.S.-sponsored firewood collection program was established, refugee women were particularly vulnerable to rape while collecting firewood in the surrounding bush. Rape was often committed by men from one clan against women from a different clan. In some cases, refugees who were raped claimed that their attackers first asked them what clan they belonged to.

Bantu women were especially vulnerable. Rapists could be virtually assured that they were not attacking a fellow clan member or even someone who belonged to a clan that had a security agreement with their clan. In the ensuing anger and confusion of these rapes, the Bantu accused the dominant clans of this crime…”

The Bantu are victims of ethnic cleansing. Although they are a minority in Somalia, according to Human Rights Watch they are a majority in the refugee camps in Kenya.

On April 2, 2007 Catherine Besteman explained In “Horn of Africa” about the genocide of Bantus in Somalia because they were identified as racial minorities of slave ancestry “…In 1999, the U.S. government agreed to accept 12,000 Somali Bantu refugees, the largest group of African refugees ever identified for political resettlement in U.S. history. During the 1990s, tens of thousands of Somali Bantu farmers fled from their villages in Somalia’s Jubba Valley, a site of profound violence and genocidal campaigns, to refugee camps in Kenya. After failed attempts at repatriation and resettlement in east Africa, all parties (the refugees, camp officials, the host government, and refugee activists) agreed that these refugees could not be required to return to Somalia, and a group of 12,000 were granted P2 (persecuted minority) status, which afforded them preferential status for resettlement. In 2004, Somali Bantus from this group began arriving for permanent resettlement in the U.S.

Acts of genocide are normally committed by state agents, for example by soldiers in the employ of the national military or by militias who have the support of those who hold state power. Somalia is a rare case in which genocidal acts were carried out by militias in the utter absence of a governing state structure. While Somalia’s dictator, Siyad Barre, orchestrated massacres of his political opponents during his final years in power, local “warlords” in charge of private militias continued the strategy following Barre’s fall from power and the collapse of a governing structure. Somalia’s collapse was defined by clan-aligned militias battling each other for power in local and regional arenas, with the unarmed population of the Jubba Valley becoming a particular target of violence and abuse by opposed militias. During the peak of the violence, an Oxfam official called the valley “one big graveyard.” While Somalis throughout the country suffered grievously during the peak years of civil war, residents in the Jubba Valley received particularly harsh treatment by militias because of several factors: 1) in the early years of the war, militias of competing warlords battled back and forth across the Valley for territorial control, each side attacking civilians; 2) identified as racial minorities of slave ancestry within Somalia, most Jubba Valley residents held weak ties to Somali clans that were easily broken in the midst of war, which meant that armed clans did not come to their defense; 3) as sedentary peasant farmers tied to the land for their subsistence, Valley residents were easily targeted by mobile militias; 4) as food producers, Valley residents were killed so other Somalis could claim their land and their harvests; 5) as an unarmed population, Valley residents were defenseless. Genocidal acts in the valley took the form of mass killings, abduction and involuntary marriage of local women by militia members, and the deliberate starvation of entire communities by the seizure of food supplies…” describes the structure of the Somali Clans “Ethnic Somalis are united by language, culture, devotion to Islam, and to a common ancestor, the Samaale, or Samaal. Genealogical ties have also provided the basis on which divisions among Somalis have occurred, division historically being more common than unity. Genealogy constitutes the heart of the Somali social system. It is the basis of the collective Somali inclination toward internal fission and internecine conflict, as well as of the Somalis’ sense of being distinct–a consciousness of otherness that borders on xenophobia.

…The meaning of segmentation is captured in an Arab beduin saying: My full brother and I against my half-brother, my brother and I against my father, my father’s household against my uncle’s household, our two households (my uncle’s and mine) against the rest of the immediate kin, the immediate kin against nonimmediate members of my clan, my clan against other clans, and, finally, my nation and I against the world.

…The Darood clan lives principally in the north, with a presence in Kismayo, as well as in the Gedo region. The Darood are commonly divided into three major groups: Ogaden, Marehan, and Harti. The Harti are composed of the Majerteen, now found primarily in Puntland, and the Dulbahante and Warsangeli in Somaliland. The Marehan are dominant in south-central Gedo region, while the Ogaden can be found in southern Somalia as well as in Ethiopia and Kenya. Since the Darood are present in the north, in south-central Somalia as well as inside Ethiopia, and Kenya, they are broadly considered the most prominent advocates of pan-Somali nationalists.

Many Somalis blamed Siad Barre, Somalia’s last national president, for favoring members of his Marehan sub-clan, which spurred the Daroods in northeastern Somalia, who felt marginalized, to rise up against his government, followed by Dir, from what is now Somaliland. Much of the current Darod-Hawiye mistrust is considered to stem from Barre’s rule…”

Israeli Arabs have more rights than Bantus under Arab rule in Somalia yet Ilhan Omar repeatedly accuses Israel of apartheid but says nothing about Somalia.Ilhan Omar obsessively calls for BDS against Israel while doing nothing to prevent her arab clan in Somalia to discriminate against 1 million Bantus.

As a Somalian, Ilhan Omar should advocate against racism and human rights violations against the Bantus but she remains silent. Ilhan Omar’s family belong to the Arab Clan of Majeerteen predominantly from northern Somalia. The Majeerteens are the clan of Osman Mahamuud. Osman Mahamuud, also known as `Uthman III ibn Mahmud, was a Somali king. He led the Majeerteen Sultanate during its Golden Age in the 16th century. The Majeerteen Sultanate was established around 1600 CE by Somalis from the Majeerteen Darod clan. Osman Mahamuud was the son of Mahmud V ibn Yusuf, who had ruled the Sultanate from 1644 to 1660. Majeerteens also held many other significant government posts in the 1960s and 1970s, and continue to play a key role in Somalia.

Source: Wikipedia

“Slavery in Somalia existed as a part of the Arab slave trade. To meet the demand for menial labor, Bantus from southeastern Africa captured by Somali slave traders were sold in cumulatively large numbers over the centuries to customers in Somalia and other areas in Northeast Africa…”

Desmond Berg wrote in April 30, 2018 in “…some historians assert that as many as 17 million people were sold into slavery on the coast of the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, and North Africa, and approximately 5 million African slaves were bought by Muslim slave traders and taken from Africa across the Red Sea, Indian Ocean, and Sahara desert between 1500 and 1900 ( “Focus on the slave trade”. BBC). The captive slaves were sold in slave markets throughout the Middle East. The trade in human beings accelerated as superior ships led to more trade and greater demand for labor on plantation estates in the region. Eventually, tens of thousands of captives were being taken every year.

The Indian Ocean’s slave trade was multi-directional and changed over time. To meet the demand for menial labor, Ethnic Bantu slaves bought by Arab slave traders from southeastern Africa were sold in cumulatively large numbers over the centuries to customers on the Arabian Peninsula, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, the Persian Gulf, Somalia, and European colonies in the Far East of Asia (Gwyn Campbell, The Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia, 1 edition, (Routledge: 2003).

Slave labor in East Africa was drawn from the Zanj, Bantu peoples that lived along the East African coast ( Bethwell A. Ogot, Zamani: A Survey of East African History).The Zanj were for centuries shipped as slaves by Arab traders to all the countries bordering the Indian Ocean. The Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs recruited many Zanj slaves as soldiers and, as early as 696, there were slave revolts of the Zanj against their Arab enslavers in Iraq (see Zanj Rebellion)…

From 1800 to 1890, between 25,000–50,000 Bantu slaves are thought to have been sold from the slave market of Zanzibar to the Somali coast. Most of the slaves were from the Majindo, Makua, Nyasa, Yao, Zalama, Zaramo and Zigua ethnic groups of Tanzania, Mozambique and Malawi. Collectively, these Bantu groups are known as Mushunguli, which is a term taken from Mzigula, the Zigua tribe’s word for “people” (the word holds multiple implied meanings including “worker”, “foreigner”, and “slave”)…”


David Gakunzi wrote in the JCPA in September 2018 “…The Arab slave trade was characterized by appalling violence, castration, and rape. The men were systematically castrated to prevent them from reproducing and becoming a stock. This inhumane practice resulted in a high death rate: six out of 10 people who were mutilated died from their wounds in castration centers. The Arab slave trade also targeted African women and girls, who were captured and deported for use as sex slaves.

According to the work of some historians, the Arab slave trade has affected more than 17 million people. In the Saharan region alone, more than nine million African captives were deported and two million died on the roads.

This despicable phenomenon was legitimized by Islam, as Christianity would later condone the transatlantic slave trade. For example, the Tunisian Arab historian Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) wrote that “the only peoples to accept slavery are the Negroes, because of their lower degree of humanity, their place being closer to the animal stage.”2

The Algerian Arab theologian Ahmed al-Wancharisi (1430/1431-1508) offered legal and religious recommendations:

I have been asked about slaves from the land of Abyssinia who profess monotheism and accept the rules of the Holy Law: is it legal or not to buy and sell them?… If their conversion to Islam comes after the establishment of a property right [on these slaves], then Islam does not demand liberation, because slavery was caused by unbelief. The state of servitude persists after the disappearance of unbelief because of its existence in the past.3

When they arrived at destinations, the captives were sold in the slave markets of Cairo, Baghdad, Istanbul, Mecca, and other centers. These slaves played various roles in the economy of the Muslim world. They were used as servants, harem keepers, laborers in fields, mines, and hydraulic yards, and as cannon fodder in armies.

Ill-treatment sometimes led slaves to rebellion. For example, the revolt of the Zanj, which occurred near the city of Basra in Iraq in 869, lasted 15 years. Under the command of Ali Ibn Muhammad, slaves from East Africa and the Great Lakes region rose up, took control of many cities, and founded an embryonic state. They were defeated only in 883.

The Arab slave trade had a tragic impact on the evolution of African societies. Some areas were completely devastated and depopulated. Welsh explorer Henry Morton Stanley (1841-1904) was a horrified witness of this traffic. He wrote that after the depredations of the Arab traffickers, “the black blood flows toward the north, the equator smells corpses.”4

The Arab slave trade also promoted the development of racialist and essentialist theories that view blacks as inferior by nature. In many Arab countries this racism still exists; for example, the same words are used to describe Africans, blacks, and slaves…”

The Arab-Muslim Slave Trade: Lifting the Taboo

Nikala Pieroni reported in November 12, 2015 that slavery still exists in Somalia “….According to many, Somalia is a state that is very vulnerable to modern slavery…city centers in both Puntland and Somaliland are used to transport people from southern and rural Somalia up into other parts of Africa. This has become a huge problem for the autonomous state of Somaliland specifically. According to Hiiraan Online Somaliland has been creating more stringent laws against human smuggling since 2013, specifically on the smuggling of minors, especially because there have been so many stories of smugglers promising better lives to youth who then hold them captive in neighboring countries and demand ransom from parents in Somalia. The combination of hostage situations and selling of youth has lead to immense amounts of fear in the country for the safety of their youth. But besides ransome, what makes this business so large in the Horn of Africa. Let’s look into the reasons why human trafficking has become such a large business in this area…More specifically, what is happening with those being trafficked out of Somalia? Why are people doing this to innocent victims who are attempting to flee the area for a better life?

1. Sex trafficking is a huge reason, and one brought up in almost every article…

2. The essay by Kathleen Fitzgibbon entitled “Modern Day Slavery?” also brings up a situation that has been large in Somalia, the use of children in warfare. While she states that this does not just happen in Somalia, she explains that many children in Africa are abducted and forced to fight in civil wars, which Somalia has been a part of for many years. There is a desperation in small militias to produce enough power to fight, and forcing people into militaristic slavery is one way that this has happened.

3. The final reason that I have come to find for people being trafficked out of the country is for the harvesting of organs…”

There is also slavery in Mauritania. On its August 2019 issue Le Monde Diplomatique denounced the racism in the Islamic Republic of Mauritania “Ahmed made mint tea while Abdallah talked in a mix of French and Pulaar, a Fula language spoken in Mauritania: ‘Mauritania’s completely racist. Everyone knows, but no one talks about it. That’s off limits!’ At the top are the Bidhan [lighter-skinned Arab Berbers, ‘white Moors’]. They own everything. Then there’s us, the West Africans.’ Abdallah tapped his forearm with his index finger. ‘And at the bottom there are the Haratin. They’re Moors, too, and speak the same language as the Bidhan, but they’re black like us.’ He tapped his forearm again. ‘They used to be the Bidhan’s slaves and now they’re looked down on even more than us.’

On September 21, 2018 Human Rights Watch denounced that those who denounce racial discrimination in Mauritania are incarcerated “A Mauritanian criminal court has charged an activist with incitement to violence and racial hatred for social media messages decrying racial discrimination in the country, Human Rights Watch said today…

“No one should be put on trial simply for pointing out the plight of their own community,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch.

… In WhatsApp messages that Human Rights Watch has heard and that are seemingly Yali’s, the 43-year-old activist decries the lot of his marginalized Haratine community. Haratines are the dark-skinned, Arabic-speaking descendants of slaves who constitute about one-third of the country’s population.

In those clips, the speaker calls on the Haratines community to stand up for their rights and resist “the system,” elites, and President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz.”

Time magazine reported the story of one of Time’s 100 most influential ”
Biram Dah Abeid was just 8 when he became aware of slavery in his home country of Mauritania. He saw a defenseless youth being beaten by a man—a common experience, his parents explained, for the thousands of Mauritanians still treated as chattels by their “masters.” Biram himself was of slave descent; his own grandmother was born into slavery.

Biram promised that day that he would resist. And in 2008, he founded the Initiative for the Resurgence of the Abolitionist Movement (IRA-Mauritania). Alongside other Mauritanian anti­slavery organizations, such as SOS-Esclaves, IRA-Mauritania has sought to break the official silence that enables slavery to persist by using nonviolent tactics: reporting and publicizing cases, assisting victims and holding sit-ins and demonstrations. For this, Biram and his colleagues have been imprisoned on numerous occasions…”

On August 3, 2011 Sy Hamdu reported in Pambazuka News (a website that advocates for freedom and justice in Africa) about a conference in France to discuss the discrimination and enslavement of blacks in Mauritania “The conference held on Saturday 25 June 2011 and organised by Biram Dah Abeid gave rise to a particular interest and enthusiasm on the part of some of the main political actors and their associates within the Mauritanian diaspora in France.

In discussing slavery and state racism, our host Biram, president of the IRA (Initiative de Résurgence du mouvement Abolitionniste de France-Mauritanie), emphasised the ‘the ideological and religious foundations of slavery and racism with the state in Mauritania’.

…Biram returned to the central facts around slavery in Mauritania, notably the practice of guardianship – women and children are left to the cruelty of men and women, heartless masters with neither faith or reason.

…Where is the compassion of this community calling itself Muslim? What human values form their identity? What goes on in the heads of those men and women who exercise such cruelty, barbarism and cynicism? The inhumanity of these practices challenges our very confidence in what’s human when humanity is capable of undertaking such acts.

An ideological, military and police machinery is consistently mobilised to this effect. There has never been any form of respite for the men, women and children assigned to the deadly status of slaves.

Mauritanian society is deeply slavery-oriented and as such has produced deeply unjust inequalities.

Certain techniques involving humiliation, torture and even being put to death are employed in the aim of keeping slaves dependent on their masters through fear, shame and submission.

Biram explained this in strong terms; the master recognises no right to a dignified life or free black existence as human beings. As a result, children and women remain without protection or security, being at the mercy of arbitrary, cruel and unbearable Moorish masters who defy contemporary humanity through the use of barbarous and wicked treatment and the denial of the most basic of rights.

… This system is rooted in an enduring ideological base, one which constitutes an untouchable and immutable dogma and which gives rise to a logic of extermination and annihilation of the moral and ethical character of black people.

…Mauritania as a racist and slave state must be overcome for the purpose of building a fair, free and egalitarian Mauritanian society. This Mauritania will be one in which citizens have the rights of citizenship, rather than one in which black people are reduced to indignity under Moorish oppression…”

The 57 Member States of the Organization for Islamic Cooperation (including Mauritania) often vote against Israel in the UN. In 2017 ESCWA, a UN agency composed of 18 Islamic States (including Mauritania) , wrote a report accusing Israel of apartheid.

Reuters reported ” A U.N. agency published a report on Wednesday accusing Israel of imposing an “apartheid regime” of racial discrimination on the Palestinian people…

Israel’s Foreign Ministry spokesman likened the report, which was published by the U.N. Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), to Der Sturmer – a Nazi propaganda publication that was strongly anti-Semitic.”

The accusations of apartheid against Israel are false since Israeli Arab Citizens can vote, go to universities, work as doctors, judges and are members of the Knesset.

ESCWA accuses Israel of apartheid but not Mauritania. While Israel is falsely accused of apartheid the real apartheid, racism and slavery in Mauritania is ignored.

While there are groups in dozens of university campuses around America calling to sanction Israel with BDS there are no university groups calling to sanction Mauritania, Somalia, Sudan or other Arab Countries that violate human rights.

Ilhan Omar and intersectionality activists call to sanction Israel with BDS but not Sudan, Somalia, Mauritania or other Islamic States. Why call for sanctions against the Jewish State but ignore racism, apartheid, slavery and illegal land occupation in Arab Countries?


Ezequiel Doiny is author of “Obama’s assault on Jerusalem’s Western Wall”

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