I think recent events and illegal, radical, fascist-/Marxist-/anarchist-type activities that the public mostly rejects (see #4-5, 8-9) only help Republicans and conservatives all the more in this regard, and will motivate voters to tend in their direction. I have a sense that lots of people want to send a strong message in the voting booth, and can’t wait till November to do it.
This could change, but I think as we see more and more mindless destruction, including now efforts to go after churches and statues of Mary and saints (even Jesus), that there will be a big public backlash of “enough is enough!” and “this is madness!” The public as a whole — especially outside of urban areas and the east and west coasts — is vastly different from these tiny number of far-left / brain-dead radical and violent thugs.
Elections are won and lost almost always as a result of how the independents and swing voters and “undecideds” in any given year vote. Just a few percentage points (especially in a few key states) can change things quite a bit. Therefore, I say that more instances of disrespect for the flag and the country and its hallowed traditions by rioters and other extreme-left radicals help Trump and the Republicans. The influences of images can go either way, politically. And patriotism may be under severe attack, but it’s far from dead.
Sadly, people often vote very inconsistently when it comes to the issue, and it seems to hardly be a voting issue at all, but with polling that far tilted towards at least more limitations on abortion, it can only help Trump: especially if he highlights the stark differences and educates Americans who have no idea that full-term abortions or infanticides even take place. Trump has shown that he has the guts and willingness to talk about it, and it will help him win if he does.
Pro-life is my own #1 issue and has been since the 1984 election. To the extent that voters are concerned about the continuing status of the Supreme Court, it will be of the utmost importance to re-elect President Trump. His two appointees (Gorsuch and Kavanaugh) voted in a pro-life fashion in the recent case.
11) Growing Black and Hispanic Vote for Trump This is something the liberals and Democrats seem to be utterly blind to. The help that President Trump has provided both communities (low unemployment, prison reform, economic opportunities, etc.) has not gone unnoticed. And so the polls reflect it. Newsday published on 12-3-19 an article entitled, “New polls show black support for Trump surging”:
The new Emerson poll puts Trump at 35 percent with black voters and 38 percent with Hispanics. “If you add in Asian voters at 28 percent approval,” notes Emerson’s director of polling Spencer Kimball, “our number is very close to the new Marist poll,” which finds Trump’s approval at 33 percent among non-white voters. A recent RasmussenReports poll has Trump support among black voters at 34 percent, and even the new CNN poll has Trump’s approval among non-white voters at 26 percent.
Why is losing black voters by a two-to-one margin something to shout about? Because if Donald Trump came anywhere close to those numbers on Election Day, he’d likely win a 50-state sweep. Minority voters — and black voters in particular — are an absolutely vital part of the Democratic base. And they don’t vote for Republicans, particularly for president.
Over the past 40 years, black voter support for Republican presidential candidates has consistently registered somewhere between “embarrassingly low” and “nonexistent.” Running for re-election with a red-hot economy, President Reagan got just 9 percent of the African-American vote in 1984. That’s the same 9 percent GOP presidential candidates averaged ever since, according to data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research.
12) Increasing Fascism / “Woke” and “Cancel” Culture Trump can win on this issue as well if he is willing to aggressively take it on. Just the News published the article, “Poll: Voters reject ‘cancel culture’ by better than 3-1 . . .” (updated on 7-15-20). It reported:
Just the News Daily Poll respondents were asked “The phrase “cancel culture” refers to a form of public shaming used to silence people whose views are deemed unacceptable. Is cancel culture a good thing because it prevents inappropriate ideas from spreading? Or is it a bad thing because it bullies people and restricts the free exchange of information and ideas?” They responded as below:
- 17% It is a good thing
- 56% It is a bad thing
- 27% Not Sure
The national survey of 1,200 registered voters was conducted July 9-11, 2020 by Rasmussen, a polling veteran. Margin of sampling error: +/- 2.8% for full sample.
People are tired of being told how to think, and being bullied if they dare defend tradition or conservatism or Christianity or pro-life, or (horror of horrors!) wear a MAGA cap. And rest assured that they will express their anger and frustration at being treated in this way in the voting booth in November.
13) Skewed and Biased Polls Apart from the polls as I write (7-16-20) being very early (e.g., President Truman in 1948 was way behind in summer, as was elder Bush in 1988 and Trump now), there is a question of blatant bias being present in them: both in their sampling and how they ask their questions. The Pew Research Center put out an article called, “Assessing the Risks to Online Polls From Bogus Respondents” (2-18-20). Journal of the American Statistical Association published a very in-depth analysis, “Disentangling Bias and Variance in Election Polls” in 2018. It commented near the end:
The 2016 U.S. presidential election offers a timely example of how correlated poll errors can lead to spurious predictions. Up through the final stretch of the campaign, nearly all pollsters declared Hillary Clinton the overwhelming favorite to win the election. The New York Times, for example, placed the probability of a Clinton win at 85% on the day before the election. Donald Trump ultimately lost the popular vote, but beat forecasts by about 2 percentage points. He ended up carrying nearly all the key swing states, including Florida, Iowa, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, resulting in an electoral college win and the presidency. Because of shared poll bias—both for multiple polls forecasting the same state-level race, and also for polls in different states—even modest errors significantly impact win estimates.
There is also something to the charge that many polls simply poll Democrats or liberals disproportionately, so that the result doesn’t reflect the public breakdown of opinion. Pew research Center tackles this issue in its article, “Why public opinion polls don’t include the same number of Republicans and Democrats” (10-25-19). It basically denies that it is a bias problem and explains why; yet it still concludes:
Among registered voters, the Democratic advantage in party affiliation is typically about 3 percentage points smaller than it is among the general public in our surveys. . . .
Among likely voters – those registered voters deemed to have the greatest propensity to turn out in an election – or actual voters in recent elections, the share of Republicans is usually, but not always, higher than it is among registered voters, largely for the same reasons that registered voters are more likely to be Republican than those who are not registered. . . .
All of this is to say that there is no single “correct” ratio of Democrats to Republicans for all U.S. public opinion polls.
Just a few percentage points can make a huge difference, and the public is forming its perceptions by these polls. Given the massive errors in 2016, I think the pollsters are being very cautious.
14) The illegal immigration issue has been off the front pages for some time now, with all else that is going on, but I think it’s still significant enough to have some impact on this election, too (it was after all, just about the most important issue last time, according to voters). For example, a July 2019 CNN poll on whether illegal immigrants should receive government healthcare revealed that 58% of Americans were against that, and 38% in favor. Yet all ten Democrat candidates then in the race said they supported such healthcare.
15) Over-Strict Regulations Regarding Shutdowns and Quarantine, etc. There is significant resistance to government measures which are thought by many to be too strict. It seems to largely break down by party lines. How the independents and swing voters fall will be decisive with regard to this issue. I think by November (and assuming a continuing decline in deaths from coronavirus) a significant-enough portion of the public may be that much more fed up with the restrictions (including, notably, on the schools) and thus be inclined to vote Republican: the party that generally favors less restrictions. In other words, too many perceived restrictions may backfire on the Democrats, who favor them much more so.
I don’t think most reasonable, fair-minded folks will blame President Trump for the 136,940 US deaths (as of today) from this tragic epidemic (arguably, Democrats Governor Cuomo of New York and Mayor DeBlasio of New York City bear far more personal responsibility for preventable deaths), so this will not be an adverse factor, as many think. At the moment, he’s underwater in polling on this issue, but if the economy rebounds (because a failing economy is so tied to the measures taken against the virus), that could quickly change. IN any event, I consider this the weakest argument of my fifteen, because it could go either way.
Honorable Mention) Obama Did It; Why Not Also Trump? Lastly, I note that according to the Rasmussen running daily tracking poll of likely voters, President Trump had, on 7-15-20, a 48% approval rating and 50% disapproval. In the same exact poll at the same time in his presidency (7-15-12), President Obama polled at a 48% approval, but 51% disapproval, giving Trump a slight edge in comparison. Obama went on to win 51% to 47%, so he basically switched the two figures. I think Trump will do something similar, though he may actually lose the popular vote again.
Presidents are elected in the final analysis by the electoral college. And that means — exactly as in 2016 — that it is the statewide polls in swing states that are far more important to watch than national polls. It’s all about ten or so swing states: Ohio, Florida, and Pennsylvania probably being the most important, with Wisconsin and Michigan close behind.
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I may be wrong, of course, but these are my reasons for why I think President Trump will win the election, and I’m stickin’ to ’em!